Source: NATO
Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg: Ambassador Green, good morning everyone. It is great to be back in Washington. Great to be here at the Wilson Center.
And as you all know, this institution has a reputation for academic and policy excellence. It carries the name of a Democratic President, Woodrow Wilson and it is located in a landmark building named after a Republican President, Ronald Reagan.
And it is supported by the United States Congress. So, the Wilson Center truly embodies bipartisanship and American leadership on the world stage which has been crucial to keeping transatlantic relations and NATO strong for over 75 years.
Our security is closely intertwined. President Wilson learned that lesson over one hundred years ago. At first, he wanted to keep the US out of the ‘Great War’. But he eventually changed course, realising that America could never be safe without a Europe at peace. Just two decades later, Franklin D. Roosevelt promised not to send American boys to yet another war in Europe and to maintain America’s neutrality. But after Pearl Harbor, he decided otherwise.
So twice when Europe has been at war, the U.S. chose isolationism. And twice, it realised that this did not work. That was true then, and it is even more true today. The vast Atlantic and Pacific Oceans do not protect the U.S. in an age of rising global challenges. Intercontinental ballistic missiles, strategic submarines, the weaponization of space, and increased cyber and terrorist attacks. All of these are threats to the United States.
So, we must counter these threats together.
Presidents Putin and President Xi are adamantly opposed to NATO, because they know that in NATO, the United States has something they don’t have. 31 friends and Allies, which help to advance U.S. interests, multiply U.S. power, and keep Americans safe.
Alone, the United States represents a quarter of the world economy, but together with NATO Allies, we represent half of the world’s economic might, and half of the world’s military might. So together, we are much stronger.
Next month, NATO leaders will convene for the NATO Summit here in Washington D.C., to make decisions on issues that matter greatly, for Americans as much as for Europeans.
Three topics will be at the top of the agenda.
First, deterrence and defence, NATO’s core business.
The United States’ military presence in Europe remains essential for the security and stability of the European continent. But Europeans are doing far more for their collective security than just a few years ago. They lead combat-ready battlegroups in the eastern part of the Alliance. They have increased the readiness of their forces. They have strengthened NATO, with highly capable Finnish and Swedish militaries joining our Alliance. And Europeans are ramping up their defence spending to record high levels.
When we made the Pledge to invest 2% of GDP in defence back at the Wales Summit of NATO in 2014, only three Allies met that mark – and that was the United States, Greece and United Kingdom. Just five years ago, there were still less than 10 Allies that spent 2% of GDP on defence. But later today when I see President Biden, I will announce new defence spending figures for all Allies. And I can already now reveal that this year more than 20 Allies will spend at least 2% of GDP on defence.
This is good for Europe and good for America. Especially since much of this extra money is spent here in the United States. NATO creates a market for defence sales. Over the last two years more than two-thirds of European defence acquisitions were made with U.S. firms. That is more than 140 billion U.S. dollars’ worth of contracts with U.S. defence companies. So, NATO is good for U.S. security, good for U.S. industry, and good for U.S. jobs.
The second topic for the NATO Summit in Washington and the most urgent one – is Ukraine.
Since Russia’s full-scale invasion, NATO Allies have provided unprecedented levels of support. This has been indispensable for Ukrainians to fight back and survive as a sovereign nation. But this winter and spring, we saw serious delays and gaps in delivering support, with consequences on the frontline.
We cannot let this happen again. This is why, at the Summit, I expect Allied leaders to agree for NATO to lead the coordination and provision of security assistance and training for Ukraine. It is also why I have proposed a long-term financial pledge, with fresh funding every year.
The more credible our long-term support, the quicker Moscow will realise it cannot wait us out and the sooner this war can end. It may seem like a paradox, but the path to peace is therefore more weapons for Ukraine. I strongly welcome the 60-billion-dollar package that the U.S. Congress passed in April. This is significant and complements efforts by other NATO Allies.
Since the full-scale invasion in February 2022, European Allies and Canada have provided around half of the military aid. If we add financial and humanitarian support, non-U.S. Allies have provided significantly more than the United States. So, ensuring Ukraine prevails is a real transatlantic effort. An effort that also serves U.S. security interests. By allocating a small fraction of its defence budget, the United States helps Ukraine to destroy a significant share of Russia’s offensive combat capabilities, without putting a single American soldier in harm’s way.
We must ensure that Putin’s aggression doesn’t pay off, today or in the future. That is why at the Summit we will continue to bring Ukraine ever closer to NATO membership. So that, when the time is right, Ukraine can join without delay.
The third major topic for the Summit is global partnerships. Especially in the Indo-Pacific.
The war in Ukraine demonstrates that our security is not regional, it is global. Not least because of the support we know Russia is getting from China and others. Beijing is sharing high-end technologies like semi-conductors and other dual-use items. Last year, Russia imported 90 percent of its microelectronics from China, used to produce missiles, tanks, and aircraft. China is also working to provide Russia with improved satellite capability and imagery.
All of this enables Moscow to inflict more death and destruction on Ukraine, bolster Russia’s defence industrial base, and evade the impact of sanctions and export controls.
Publicly, President Xi has tried to create the impression that he is taking a back seat in this conflict. To avoid sanctions and keep trade flowing. But the reality is that China is fuelling the largest armed conflict in Europe since World War Two. And at the same time, it wants to maintain good relations with the West. Well, Beijing cannot have it both ways. At some point – and unless China changes course – Allies need to impose a cost.
Russia is receiving support from others too. North Korea has delivered over 1 million artillery shells. And Iran has delivered thousands of deadly Shahed drones. In exchange, Pyongyang and Tehran are receiving Russian technology and supplies to help them advance their missile and nuclear capabilities.
The growing alignment between Russia and its authoritarian friends in Asia makes it even more important that we work closely with our friends in the Indo-Pacific.
I have therefore invited the leaders of Australia, Japan, New Zealand and the Republic of Korea to the NATO Summit in Washington, next month. Together, we can uphold the international rules-based order and protect our shared values.
So, ladies and gentlemen, for 75 years, the United States has been the driving force at NATO. Helping preserve peace and prosperity across the Euro-Atlantic. And for 75 years, keeping NATO united and strong has been in America’s national security interest.
As NATO Secretary General, I have had the privilege to work with three different U.S. Presidents, and different U.S. Administrations. All have supported NATO. And in fact, since 1949, every U.S. President, every U.S. Congress, and millions of Americans have been staunch supporters of NATO.
Because a strong NATO is in the vital national interest of the United States. This was true 75 years ago, it is true today, and it will continue to be the case in the future.
At the NATO Summit in just three weeks’ time, I am confident we will demonstrate NATO’s unity and strength once again. In support of Ukraine, and to keep all our people and values safe.
Thank you so much.